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MOS-W2E - MOUS 2000 Word 2000 Expert - Dump Information

Vendor : Microsoft
Exam Code : MOS-W2E
Exam Name : MOUS 2000 Word 2000 Expert
Questions and Answers : 23 Q & A
Updated On : November 14, 2018
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MOS-W2E Questions and Answers

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MOS-W2E MOUS 2000 Word 2000 Expert

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MOS-W2E exam Dumps Source : MOUS 2000 Word 2000 Expert

Test Code : MOS-W2E
Test Name : MOUS 2000 Word 2000 Expert
Vendor Name : Microsoft
Q&A : 23 Real Questions

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Microsoft Microsoft MOUS 2000 Word

Microsoft Eyes seasoned users With floor Precision Mouse | killexams.com Real Questions and Pass4sure dumps

We overview products independently, however we can also earn affiliate commissions from purchasing hyperlinks on this web page. terms of use.

Microsoft's new surface Precision Mouse is a sculpted enter equipment with a number of aspects to aid you multitask while working on artwork and STEM tasks. it's rechargeable, works wired or with Bluetooth instant, and is designed to automatically switch between up to three home windows 10 PCs.

frequent shape

The surface Precision Mouse is sculpted to fit correct-surpassed clients, with a handy thumb leisure on the left aspect. just above the thumb rest is a trio of buttons, for features like page forward, page again, and invoking project View mode in home windows 10.

The aluminum and TPE-plastic-lined body is silver to healthy different Microsoft surface instruments. It weighs four.8 ounces and measures 1.7 by three.1 via four.eight inches. It feels relaxed in hand, though it's shorter than the Logitech MX grasp 2s.

The scroll wheel switches between a mode wherein it spins easily and one the place it clicks via detents that you would be able to consider. The latter mode is positive for stepping through zoom settings or scrolling for my part via a spreadsheet's cells. as a substitute of the usage of actual gears like older mice, the scroll wheel's clicky consider is prompted by way of magnets. It feels variety of just like the automatically adjusting scroll wheel of the MX grasp 2s, but with a bit extra friction on the smooth scroll function.

Autoswitching, for home windows simplest

the usage of the Microsoft Mouse and Keyboard utility, which you can program all the keys on the Precision Mouse. deploy app-elegant key combos and macros, so we can—as an instance—allow you to set the rear-most thumb button to open your domestic page within the aspect browser, and use the equal button to stick and in shape format after you may have switched to Microsoft be aware.

a further neat characteristic is the potential to switch the cursor between up to three home windows 10 PCs. simply drag the cursor arrow past the appropriate side of the reveal, and manage will shift to the next laptop to the right on your desk. unfortunately, unlike the Logitech MX master 2s, you can not use monitor switching with the Precision Mouse to copy text and data from one laptop to a different, nor can you swap between a Mac and workstation automatically. For cross-platform switching, you're going to should hit the guide activate the backside of the mouse. also, full app aid (like key mapping) is restricted to home windows 10 and 8.1, but the mouse will work in a extra restricted style on Macs and Android instruments.

The floor Precision Mouse is fairly appealing looking, and was responsive right through our brief demo this week. It comes with a USB cable for recharging and direct connection to your workstation and a one-yr warranty. Pre-orders for the $99 mouse start on Nov. 9 by way of the Microsoft keep; it arrives on Nov. 16.

as a result of the sensible-switching function, sculpted shape, and fully programmable buttons, we predict to see the floor Precision Mouse in the hands of picky (however productive) clients in the content material introduction, paintings, and STEM fields.


beyond the primary home windows 10 keyboard shortcuts: artful issues you could do with keyboard settings | killexams.com Real Questions and Pass4sure dumps

windows 10 comes with a wide range of keyboard shortcuts: that you can open the Settings app (Win-I), the action centre (Win-A), the Ink Workspace (Win-W), the new clipboard heritage (Win-V), hook up with wireless instruments (Win-ok), project your reveal (Win-P) or lock the orientation of your equipment earlier than you're taking off or fold again the keyboard to use it as a pill (Win-O). Win-. (it really is a full stop) opens the emoji picker (as does Win-; — is a pleasant touch of humour as a result of a semi-colon is how you birth a winking smiley face). when you have assorted keyboard layouts put in, urgent the home windows key and the spacebar at the same time switches between them. Win-F is a effortless shortcut for reporting remarks; it takes a screenshot after which opens the remarks Hub so that you can ship it as comments.

win10app-shortcut.png

To create a keyboard shortcut to an utility, correct-click on its icon and choose residences, choose the Shortcut box and press the important thing combination you wish to use.

image: Mary Branscombe/TechRepublic

There are dozens greater shortcuts, including some particular ones for working with far off computers like Ctrl-Alt-domestic to open the connection bar in full-screen mode and Ctrl-Alt-+ to take a screenshot of the far off customer. that you can additionally create your personal keyboard shortcuts.

home windows 10 permits you to make shortcuts that launch functions or open folders. For applications, you could do this straight from the delivery menu with the aid of appropriate-clicking on the software and choose Open file vicinity. that you can additionally right-click on on a program file or folder in Explorer and decide Create shortcut, then appropriate-click on on the brand new icon and judge homes, opt for the Shortcut container and press the important thing combination you want to use (beginning with Ctrl-Alt and including a letter, quantity or function key), and click on ok. Press Win-R after which type 'shell:AppsFolder' to start straight to the folder with all your applications in Explorer. you can also use the free WinHotKey utility to see what keyboard shortcuts there are and add your personal.

win10office-custom.png

win10office-custom.png

Customising keyboard shortcuts in Microsoft note.

photo: Mary Branscombe/TechRepublic

Many functions can help you create keyboard shortcuts that most effective work interior them. In observe and Excel, as an instance, that you would be able to right-click on on the ribbon and decide customize the Ribbon, and then click on the personalize button subsequent to Keyboard shortcuts; that opens a list of each command on every tab, menu and dialog container. that you could decide upon a shortcut key for any of them — helpfully, the dialog suggests if the combination you decide on is already in use, and it lets you exchange an latest shortcut if you do not locate it easy. The shortcuts are saved within the average document template, so you get them in all new documents made from that template. that you can do the equal in Photoshop and most different Adobe applications by the use of Edit > Keyboard Shortcuts.

SEE: home windows 10 vigor guidance: Secret shortcuts to your favourite settings (Tech professional research)

which you could also use be aware to extend office's developed-in autocorrections, which work in Excel, PowerPoint, Outlook and computer OneNote as smartly. here's effective for saving time on words you tend to mistype, however much more helpful for including abbreviations that auto-extend to phrases and phrases.

win10autocorrects.png

win10autocorrects.png

you could save time through customising notice's AutoCorrect alternatives. These are then brought to other workplace apps.

photograph: Mary Branscombe/TechRepublic

In note, choose File > options > Proofing and click on AutoCorrect alternatives (or appropriate-click on a spelling mistake and choose AutoCorrect alternate options from the flyout that suggests the appropriate spelling). category the abbreviation (like addr) within the substitute field, and what you want to change it to (like your full handle) in the With box — you also can consist of the formatting. besides the fact that the With box is small, which you can type or paste in long entries on assorted traces and paragraphs, and even tables. If there are stuff you classification time and again again, which you can store a lot of time with custom autocorrects.

You simplest deserve to create autocorrections in a single of the office apps and they'll be delivered to the other apps the subsequent time you open them. that you can create them in word, Excel, PowerPoint or OneNote, but notice's dialog container is a little bit larger and easier to work with. be aware additionally allows you to right-click on on spelling errors and choose to always have them autocorrected in future.

if you create a lot of these autocorrects and need to lower back them as much as copy to a new workstation, there is a macro written with the aid of a note MVP that makes this easy. although it dates lower back a few years, it nonetheless works completely with be aware 2019. The macro creates a be aware document that you should shop any place. in case you wish to add the autocorrections to a brand new workstation, open the macro again (now not the doc you created) and judge restore. this will overwrite any autocorrections you already have deploy, so in case you should retain those, back them up after which reproduction them into the different macro backup doc, making bound the record is alphabetical.

there is a separate tab within the AutoCorrect dialog field, Math AutoCorrect, that lists dozens of shortcuts that birth with a \ for inserting mathematical and different symbols like \alpha for the α image or \int for the critical sign. by default, these most effective work in areas of a document that you've got formatted as being maths, but that you can turn them on for the complete doc.

win10touch-accents.png

win10touch-accents.png

windows 10's touch keyboard can supply convenient access to special characters and symbols — even on a non-touchscreen computing device.

photo: Mary Branscombe/TechRepublic

if you need a quick means of getting prolonged characters, like accents and different forex symbols like €, that you can use the touch keyboard — however you shouldn't have a touchscreen. that you could pressure it completely with a mouse: correct-click on the notification enviornment of the taskbar and judge the 'display contact keyboard' button in case you do not see it. To get accents, press and dangle on the letter you wish to have accented; to get foreign money symbols, press and dangle the pound or greenback key — there are additionally mathematical symbols accessible from the a lot of operator keys.

in case you wish to make shortcuts for different initiatives (or use the heaps of shortcuts that other americans have made), which you can deploy the free AutoHotKey utility and do issues like surroundings your Caps key to be a Ctrl key (much less demanding if you hit it by accident) and the usage of Shift-Caps to show Caps lock on and off, or running macros and exhibiting messages on-reveal after they finish. You also can restrict an AutoHotKey key mixture to simplest work in a particular application, in case you are looking to add a keyboard shortcut to an app that does not have its personal shortcut controls.

SEE: home windows highlight: 30 suggestions and hints for energy clients (Tech professional analysis)

On some PCs the difficulty is that you just simply will not have the physical key you are looking to press — the brand new floor Go keyboard would not have the context key (which simulates urgent the right mouse button), as an example. that is valuable even you probably have the right mouse button or a touchscreen, because it works on the present cursor place — where you are typing as opposed to where the mouse pointer happens to be. The surface Go does have a 2d Alt key and you may swap that to be a context key. otherwise you could wish to flip the Caps lock key into whatever else, or swap the tilde key on a US keyboard to be the backslash — since the backslash gets mapped to the # key for those who use a UK keyboard design on a physical US keyboard.

sharpkeys.png

sharpkeys.png

SharpKeys is a utility that manages a Registry key which allows for windows to remap one key to some other key

image: Mary Branscombe/TechRepublic

that you can try this within the registry, as long as you understand the scan codes for the keys you want to remap, by using modifying the Scancode map key under HKEY_LOCAL_MACHINE\gadget\CurrentControlSet\handle\Keyboard design. it be a lot more straightforward to make use of SharpKeys, which could remap particular keys like media keys, or exchange the default mapping of the feature keys to be feature keys in preference to the ordinary particular keys, in spite of the fact that you neglect to press the characteristic lock. opt for Add and either decide upon the supply and goal keys from the lists, or opt for type Key and press the keys to change. SharpKeys writes the new mapping to the registry, and it doesn't suggest loading background utility every time you run windows, or even installation a brand new driver. And if you're not planning to make lots of adjustments you can even run it straight from the writer's web site devoid of installation it. word that these keyboard remappings apply to all person accounts (from windows 7 onwards).

if you need to make an awful lot extra finished adjustments to the keyboard layout, like an entire new language or a very distinct symbol design, use the Microsoft Keyboard layout Creator utility. That creates .KLC data so you might distribute to dissimilar users as a kit.

also see

a way to Make a Timeline on Microsoft word | killexams.com Real Questions and Pass4sure dumps

A timeline is a tool used in a visual presentation with a purpose to latest statistics or enjoyable movements in a sequential vogue over an outlined time body. in the past, exciting classes such because the Adobe or Corel device suites had been the simplest programs obtainable to individuals in a position to growing a professional product. Microsoft observe is capable of creating a timeline that may also be used on enterprise or school presentations on the identical degree as Adobe and other knowledgeable tools.

Step 1 – Double click on the application icon on the laptop’s computing device or opt for the program icon from the “program data” sub-menu of the windows “birth” menu to open Microsoft note.

Step 2 – click “File,” “New,” and “doc” so as to open a brand new doc in note.

Step three – opt for the “File” and “page Setup” menu alternate options. change the web page design to “landscape,” with a view to permit more room for items to be positioned on the timeline.

Step four – choose the “View” menu alternative, then opt for the “Toolbars” and “Drawing” menu alternatives in order to open the “Drawing” toolbar.

Step 5 – opt for the “Rectangle device” on the Drawing device bar and move the mouse pointer to the left-aspect of the page about half-approach down the note doc.

Step 6 – click and drag the mouse pointer from the left-hand side of the screen to the appropriate side whereas preserving the rectangle’s width thin.

Step 7 – select the “Fill color” toolbar icon to exchange the rectangle’s color. click on the preferred colour on the because of this displayed color pallet.

Step eight – choose the “Line device” and create markers on the timeline by using drawing a vertical line across the width of the rectangle. Line markers can also be positioned beneath the timeline reckoning on what number of activities are being displayed in the presentation.

Step 9 – Insert text on the timeline by making a choice on the “textual content field” on the toolbar. click and drag the small box of textual content to the end of the vertical line furthest from the rectangle within the middle of the web page and insert the adventure and/ or yr into the container.

Step 10 – Add extra textual content packing containers to each and every of the vertical traces inserted that reflect essential routine together with the mandatory advice for the timeline label.

Step eleven – save the timeline document to the desktop to complete the task.


MOS-W2E MOUS 2000 Word 2000 Expert

Study Guide Prepared by Killexams.com Microsoft Dumps Experts


Killexams.com MOS-W2E Dumps and Real Questions

100% Real Questions - Exam Pass Guarantee with High Marks - Just Memorize the Answers



MOS-W2E exam Dumps Source : MOUS 2000 Word 2000 Expert

Test Code : MOS-W2E
Test Name : MOUS 2000 Word 2000 Expert
Vendor Name : Microsoft
Q&A : 23 Real Questions

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U.S. Law Enforcement Failed to See the Threat of White Nationalism. Now They Don’t Know How to Stop It. | killexams.com real questions and Pass4sure dumps

In 2011, the White House described the threat of Al Qaeda and its affiliates as the “pre-eminent security threat to our country.” By 2013, a new threat had emerged: so-called homegrown violent extremists, or H.V.E.s, a category of people who, though born in the United States, were inspired by a nondomestic ideology to commit violence. H.V.E.s, who tended to be Muslim, were not to be mistaken for domestic terrorists, who by definition were not only Americans but also driven by a domestic ideology like white supremacy. And yet the two were often conflated, and therefore “homegrowns” were also perceived as domestic terrorists: the Tsarnaev brothers, responsible for the Boston Marathon bombing in 2013; the perpetrators of the San Bernardino massacre or the mass shooting at the gay nightclub Pulse in Orlando. Dylann Roof, born in South Carolina, whose homegrown racism was nurtured on neo-Nazi websites like The Daily Stormer, was not, in this context, a domestic terrorist, nor were any of his beliefs seen as indicative of “violent extremism.” His shooting spree in a church in Charleston, in which he killed nine African-Americans, was interpreted as something else. What drove him, authorities said, was hate. He was a murderer.

This dichotomy plagued Representative Bennie Thompson, the Mississippi Democrat who served as ranking member of the House Homeland Security Committee. For years, Thompson pressed both the administration and fellow members of Congress to be more outspoken on domestic terrorism. “The silence was almost deafening when it came to raising any of those issues in Congress,” he says. “And the administration had this do-nothing approach. They kept telling us, well, we see that white supremacy is a problem, but there’s no way we can get ourselves involved in this because they won’t talk to us.”

It was a curious response from an administration whose “C.V.E.” agenda supposedly addressed all types of ideologically motivated violence. “I really suspect they did some polling and found out that there were certain things an African-American president couldn’t talk about,” one former adviser said. “I think they didn’t want to poke the bear.”

This approach was most evident with Obama’s second Homeland Security chief, Jeh Johnson, who came to the department in 2013, after a three-year sojourn as general counsel to the Defense Department, where he provided legal authority for the drone-strike program. During Johnson’s tenure, Nate Snyder says, his office received calls from evangelical pastors worried about far-right recruitment in their congregations. There was also concern about reports of white supremacy in the military.

Johnson, who told me that fear of another ISIS-style attack kept him up at night, held regular round tables with imams and other members of the Islamic community. He resisted the pressure from some members of his staff, and some in Congress, like Thompson, to make similar overtures to communities concerned about antigovernment or white-supremacist groups. He thought it would be absurd to hold round tables with sovereign citizens and white supremacists. “I didn’t think that would have been a very effective use of my time to try,” he told me.

Johnson never called Dylann Roof a domestic terrorist, a phrase commonly applied to Timothy McVeigh. “If there was ever an opportunity to define white extremists as domestic terrorists, Dylann Roof was it,” Snyder says. “But people went back and forth, and it went down the same careful deliberation that happens with active shooters: Maybe it was a mental-health issue. Maybe he was ‘disturbed.’ Maybe he had a predisposition to violence.”

When I spoke to Johnson, he felt it was not his place to call Roof a terrorist. There isn’t a crime of “domestic terrorism” to charge someone with. “There is a certain type of violent extremism that is by nature more of a matter for law enforcement, and another that is about engaging communities at the local level,” he said. But the country’s chief law-enforcement official at the time, Attorney General Loretta Lynch, also didn’t call Roof a terrorist — though she did note that his mass shooting, which she was prosecuting as a hate crime, seemed to meet the definition of terrorism. “Hate crimes are the original domestic terrorism,” she said. James Comey, then director of the F.B.I., wasn’t sure. Terrorism, he stated in June 2015, was “more of a political act,” and he didn’t see the Charleston shooting as political. Even after a racist manifesto Roof penned surfaced online stating his intent to “protect the white race” by instigating a race war, Comey still wasn’t sure it met the definition. “I only operate in a legal framework,” he told HuffPost.

The refusal to name the attack as “terrorism” was, in some critics’ eyes, a crucial misstep that would have far broader implications. “I was very pleased when the Obama administration started and said, We’re not going to use the phrase ‘war on terror,’ ” says Erroll Southers, a former F.B.I. agent and now director of the Safe Communities Institute at the University of Southern California. “I think the Obama people decided, O.K., we’re not going to call it ‘terrorism,’ thinking it was a good thing. The problem was they didn’t realize how much it emboldened the other side and gave them political cover.”

In the months following Donald Trump’s inauguration, security analysts noted with increasing alarm what seemed to be a systematic erosion of the Department of Homeland Security’s analytic and operational capabilities with regard to countering violent extremism. It began with the appointment of a new national-security team. Like their counterparts now running immigration policy, the team came from the fringe of conservative politics, some of them with connections to Islamophobic think tanks and organizations like ACT for America or the Center for Security Policy, whose founder, Frank Gaffney, was Washington’s most prominent peddler of anti-Muslim conspiracy theories.

In addition to Gaffney, whose biased and statistically flawed data on the “Muslim threat” became the premise for Trump’s so-called Muslim ban, there were other ideological fellow travelers like Sebastian and Katharine Gorka, the husband-and-wife national-security team. Sebastian Gorka became a senior White House adviser, and Katharine Gorka became a senior adviser to the Department of Homeland Security. During the transition, Sebastian Gorka predicted the demise of “C.V.E.,” which he suggested was a fuzzy, politically correct approach to a problem — terrorism — that needed a better fix. Shortly afterward, Katharine Gorka, who once criticized the Obama administration for “allowing Islamists to dictate national-security policy,” made it clear, Nate Snyder recalls, that she didn’t like the phrase “countering violent extremism.” From now on, the mission would be focused on “radical Islamic terrorism,” the White House’s go-to phrase, which, as Sebastian Gorka later explained, was intended to “jettison the political correctness of the last eight years.”

A surreal scene, replicated in nearly every department and agency, soon began to play out inside the Department of Homeland Security. George Selim, a longtime national-security expert in both the Bush and Obama administrations who headed the Office of Community Partnerships, which worked with local government and civic groups on C.V.E. efforts, noted that as the months passed, “it was clear that there were fewer and fewer of the career civil servants at the table for critical policy decisions.” Some political appointees seemed to have virtually no experience with the issues they had been tapped to advise on. Katharine Gorka, as her own LinkedIn biography notes, had never held a public-sector job before joining the department, nor did she seem to have any practical experience in national security, or law enforcement, or intelligence. Another new senior Homeland Security official, the retired Navy officer Frank Wuco, had made a career of lecturing to the military about the jihadi mind-set, often while role-playing as a member of the Taliban in a Pashtun hat and kaffiyeh. “That’s who was trying to tell me he understands the threat,” an official said dryly.

By February 2017, after the Trump administration issued its first executive order trying to ban citizens of Muslim-majority countries from entering the United States, several American Muslim groups decided to reject federal C.V.E. grant money they were awarded under the Obama administration out of concern over the new administration’s framing of the issue. That March, the White House froze the $10 million the previous administration had allotted for the grants, pending review. While that review was underway, the Department of Homeland Security and the F.B.I. issued a joint intelligence bulletin, dated May 10, warning that white supremacists might pose “a threat of lethal violence” over the next year. The report, which some analysts said reflected a fraction of the actual numbers, said that white supremacists “were responsible for 49 homicides in 26 attacks from 2000 to 2016 . . . more than any other domestic extremist movement.”

At the end of June, the Department of Homeland Security withheld grant money from several previously approved applicants whose focus was on studying extremists’ online networks and helping both white supremacists and Muslim extremists leave their movements. Though the total budget for C.V.E. was minuscule given the department’s overall grant budget, rejecting those programs nonetheless produced “a real chilling effect,” as one policy analyst recalls. Some researchers withdrew from plans to brief lawmakers on far-right extremism.

In July 2017, Selim tendered his resignation. Not long afterward, a senior official on the interagency task force running C.V.E. efforts withdrew. More departures followed. The Department of Homeland Security renamed the Office of Community Partnerships the Office of Terrorism Prevention Partnerships. At the department’s Office of Intelligence and Analysis, analysts specifically looking at domestic terrorism and coordinating with local law enforcement were reassigned as public-affairs liaisons, Snyder says. “So no one is looking at the intelligence and connecting the dots, which is what the Department of Homeland Security was created to do.”

In the lingo of the counterterrorism world, the department’s responsibility is anything “left of boom,” meaning all the pre-emptive steps that might prevent an attack, from securing the borders to synthesizing and sharing intelligence to working with community leaders and local law enforcement to help them better identify risks. Today, at least for the federal government, Snyder says “left of boom is dead.”

William Fears was born in 1987 and spent his childhood in Jasper, Tex., a tiny and deeply segregated town about 130 miles northeast of Houston. East Texas is Klan country, and Jasper holds a notable spot in the racist history of the region as the town where, in 1998, when Fears was 10, three white men lynched a black man named James Byrd Jr., chaining him to the back of a truck and dragging him to death.

Early in his life, Fears, searching for identity, cycled through a long list of ideologies. He was 14 on Sept. 11, 2001, old enough to absorb the patriotic fervor of that moment but too young to enlist. For a year or two, he was a Michael Moore-style populist, having been “red-pilled on ‘Bowling for Columbine.’ ” Then, having spent a great deal of his spare time stoned and watching YouTube, Fears embraced the Sept. 11 “truthers” movement. As he spent more and more time on sites like Infowars, he was exposed to notions that the government, backed by the Illumi-nati, the globalists, the Freemasons — Jews, but not “the Jews” as he would later come to see them — had blown up the towers, crashed the financial markets and plunged the country into economic crisis. This led to his next great obsession: the candidacy of the G.O.P. presidential hopeful Ron Paul, a libertarian who had amassed a large grass-roots following of what The New York Times then called “iconoclastic white men.”

But Fears eventually grew bored with Paul, just as he had grown bored with Michael Moore, and it was in this state of vague political disillusionment, and heavy drug use, that Fears kidnapped a former girlfriend in 2009 and stabbed her in the face, legs and neck before she managed to escape. In 2010, he was sentenced to seven years in prison.

Fears doesn’t like to talk much about his sojourn in the Texas state-prison system, though like many young men who went from the penitentiary to the far right, he was introduced to the basic tenets of white supremacy there. “White guys got to stick together,” he says, referring to an admitted friendship with members of the Texas branch of the Aryan Brotherhood, one of the most notoriously brutal white-supremacist gangs in the country. But he dropped those friendships after prison, he insists. “I didn’t like the whole Nazi skinhead thing with tattoos on their face and beating up minorities for no reason,” he says, implying that they represented an earlier generation: “They’re like 1.0s.”

Six years later, Fears was paroled and emerged from prison drug-free but otherwise largely the same. He was still a conspiracy theorist, though he was less obsessed with the government, his friend John Canales noticed when they reconnected that summer. “Now it was all about the Jews,” Canales says. At home in the Houston suburb of Pasadena, Fears submerged himself in what to him was the new, hyperconnected world of the internet, where every YouTube video he watched algorithmically directed him to others with increasingly far-right political agendas. He was fascinated by men like Richard Spencer, who fashioned himself as the second coming of George Lincoln Rockwell, the founder of the American Nazi Party. He was also intrigued by Donald Trump, the troubadour of a new generation of angry white men, the alt-right movement — white supremacy 2.0 — with its in-jokes and symbols that were mostly lost on U.S. law enforcement.

Fears believed in the power of memes, though alt-right memes, while dripping in irony, were also, in essence, hate speech, part of a propaganda war arguably intended to spread terror just as much as any ISIS execution video. Fears, his friend Canales says, was one of the first people Canales knew to understand this and promote the memes as broadly as he could, standing on street corners and “sieg heil-ing” at passers-by or waving a swastika-laden Pepe the Frog sign reading “Free Helicopter Rides,” an allusion to the murder of political enemies, notably leftists.

In December 2016, less than six months after getting out of prison, Fears went to his first Richard Spencer event, on the campus of Texas A&M. More so-called free-speech events followed, where young white men in red MAGA hats and polo shirts descended upon college campuses or progressive enclaves in otherwise blood-red states: a clean-cut Trumpian army, marching in formation or hurling insults at activists who, outraged by their very presence, would try to fight them.

Sometimes the police would intervene, or not. Fears, for one, always felt safe with the police in Texas, though he said “they work for ZOG” — the so-called Zionist Occupied Government. “They’ll take their paycheck over the country.”

Cops would stand watch at events, sometimes on horseback, and while they might not have been ideologically aligned with the alt-right, they still tolerated them. Fears said the cops were far less forgiving of Antifa, a catchall term that has been used to describe dedicated anti-fascists and so-called anarchist extremists, as well as animal rights activists, immigration rights activists, members of the local Socialist movement, environmental protesters like those who had recently been blasted by water cannons and rubber bullets at Standing Rock, and Black Lives Matter supporters, whose protests have been met by dozens of cops in riot gear, as well as sometimes members of a paramilitary support unit. One Houston activist, who went to high school with Fears, recalls a rally where the police posed for pictures with members of the alt-right. “Very buddy-buddy,” he says.

The same essential scenario played out across the country. At a rally in Sacramento in June 2016 organized by the white-supremacist Traditionalist Worker Party, a throng of counterprotesters showed up. “The police didn’t step in really at all,” a police observer and representative of the National Lawyers Guild later told The Sacramento Bee. “They basically just let people do what they wanted to do,” the observer said. “In this case, someone made a decision just to let them fight it out.” Ten people were hospitalized, at least five for stabbing wounds and other lacerations, most of them left-wing counterprotesters, some of whom were later charged with assault. Only one white supremacist was arrested, though court records originally acquired by The Guardian mentioned at least four T.W.P.-affiliated men who came armed with knives to the rally but were not charged. “We’re looking at you as a victim,” an investigator with the California Highway Patrol reportedly assured a member of the T.W.P. after the rally.

One domestic-terrorism expert who conducts hate-crimes training for law enforcement was baffled by the pushback she received from police officers who didn’t seem to view white-supremacist groups as a law-enforcement problem. “They’d say things like, ‘Why aren’t you calling Black Lives Matter or Antifa a hate group?’ The answer is, because they’re not hate groups! But they didn’t see it that way.”

It was in this atmosphere that Fears made his progress through various protests. He traveled to Charlottesville with a backpack of dystopian gear: goggles, gloves and a helmet, though he disguised himself as a Trump supporter in a suit. It was war. It was also fun. By the summer of 2017, the media had begun to cover more far-right events, leading more people to show up in protest, which furthered the right’s victimization narrative, which in turn led to more events and more violence, all of which was packaged into neat selling points for a movement whose actual real-life followers may have been far fewer than they appeared.

A person’s willingness to brawl was a point of pride. Some of the most ardent fighters, many of them felons, became celebrities in their own right, offered speaking slots at rallies, where their V.I.P. status earned them police protection. The Rise Above Movement, led in part by a gang member who had gone to prison for an attack, turned beat-downs into an art form, which they promoted on YouTube, drawing recruits. Nathan Damigo, a former Marine who was incarcerated for five years for armed robbery, used footage of his punching a young woman in the face during a Berkeley protest as a recruiting video for his white-nationalist organization, Identity Evropa. The Proud Boys went as far as to create an entire culture around gang-style rituals, including initiation beatings.

On Facebook, various white men were stating their intention of going to Charlottesville for what they understood would be a huge gathering of the tribes, making plans of whom to meet up with and what to bring. Fears initially advised against carrying weapons, but he suggested keeping them close by. “It all comes down to police,” he said on Facebook. “If they leave us to fight for ourselves like in Berkeley, we know to get ready for bricks to start flying.”

In private communications on the chat service Discord, posted online by the progressive watchdog Unicorn Riot, organizers of Unite the Right spent weeks discussing tactics. The F.B.I. itself was limited in its surveillance capacity (though many left-wing groups argued that this did not prevent the bureau from monitoring their activities), and in the absence of comprehensive federal scrutiny, right-wing activists trawled through left-wing websites, shared photos of leading anti-fascist and racial-justice activists and infiltrated real-life gatherings. In advance of the event, leaked chats documented potential attendees openly advising their comrades to take note of any threats of violence so they could share them with the police. Erroll Southers later remarked on the sophistication of advising their followers not to bring cellphones, and sharing information among small cells of affinity groups: “From an intelligence perspective, it was very impressive.”

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100 years ago Volusians greeted the end of the 'war to end wars' | killexams.com real questions and Pass4sure dumps

A forgotten plaque by a parking lot names some of the Volusians who ventured from their small town into a world at war.

At Breakers Oceanside Park, near the stairs to the parking lot, is a flagpole. At the base of the flagpole is a bronze plaque set in coquina rock with stars carved into it. It’s easy to miss and is marred by a long scratch. It was commissioned in the 1920s by a long-ago disbanded club called the Mother Service Flag Club of the Peninsula. It has the names of men from the Daytona Beach area who served during World War I.

It’s not a complete list. There are only 73 names there. The Florida Archives in Tallahassee has 271 induction cards on file for men from the cities of Seabreeze, Daytona and Daytona Beach that would later form Daytona Beach. Black soldiers and sailors aren’t on the plaque. In the 1920s, even war memorials were segregated.

There are some notable local names there: David Sholtz, who would become governor of Florida during the depths of the Great Depression; Robert Wilder, who would write novels like “God Has a Long Face,” and “Flamingo Road” (the movie version starred Joan Crawford as A Woman With a Past); Fred Langworthy, longtime News-Journal outdoors writer; and Rubert Longstreet, noted educator and Florida bird expert for whom Longstreet Elementary is named. (His name is misspelled. It was “Rubert” not “Rupert.”)

“The war that will end war,” as it had been optimistically called at its start in 1914, ended 100 years ago today on Nov. 11. It’s not a widely acknowledged anniversary anymore. Armistice Day, celebrating the end of World War I, morphed after World War II into Veterans Day, a day honoring all veterans.

And the living memory of the Great War died out as the generation that fought in it died off. The last veteran of World War I in Volusia County is believed to be Ernest P. West, who died in 2000 at 104.

West turned 21 in Tennessee the year the United States declared war in 1917 and volunteered for the 114th Field Artillery Regiment where he served as an artillery spotter. He survived a poison gas attack and had a narrow escape when a shell that landed near him failed to explode.

"It was a miracle because if it had exploded I would have been all over the place,” he told The News-Journal in 1999.

The year before he died, the French deputy consul general drove up from Miami to the Emory L. Bennett Veterans' Nursing Home to present West with the National Order of the Legion of Honor.

“Over 4 million went over. A lot of them died and many were taken prisoners. Today we want to show our deepest esteem to survivors like Mr. West," said Deputy Consul Didier Samson at the nursing home ceremony.

"I thank you," West replied.

Slackers and Home Guard

During the war, the Daytona Beach area was a tiny place — the 1920 Census would count 6,841 people in the three towns — but a surprising number were among the more than 42,000 Floridians who served in the armed forces.

And there was a lot of community pressure to do so. “In wartime, the most damning tag we can tie to a man is the despised "slacker," declared a 1918 editorial in the Lakeland Evening Telegram.

The DeLand News even printed a list of area men who failed to report to the draft board.

“In the list of delinquents from Volusia County, reported by the selective draft board and published in the DeLand News, the names of only two Daytona white men were given and both unjustly,” the Daytona Morning Journal scolded, noting that one of the men was in the army and one failed the army physical. "Thus, through no fault of their own, two patriotic and worthy young men are advertised to the world as slackers.”

Some men who stayed at home joined Florida’s Home Guard. Because the state’s 2,000 National Guard soldiers were brought into national service, the Legislature created the Home Guard in 1917 to take over civil defense duties. Halifax Home Guard and New Smyrna Home Guard companies formed in 1918 and disbanded soon after the war’s close.

The Halifax Home Guard was particularly active. It organized an encampment and parade for units around the state on the Labor Day holiday in 1918. Photos at the Halifax Historical Society show group shots of the unit, parades and guardsmen marching around a tank.

Tanks were first used in combat only two years before. The sight of one on the dirt roads of a little Florida backwater must have been like seeing a spaceship.

Toll of the dead

The first casualty from this area didn’t serve in the U.S. military. He got into the war early by serving in the British Royal Flying Corps. Frederick Sheppard was an aircraft mechanic training in Toronto. He died Jan. 26, 1918, according to Veterans Affairs Canada records.

“Weakened by the injuries resulting from a fall in an airplane which collapsed as the result of tampering by German agents, Sheppard fell a victim of pneumonia almost on the eve of his departure for Florida on furlough to complete his convalescence,” The Daytona Beach Morning Journal reported.

News of the first Daytonan killed in battle did not reach here until after the armistice. “Russell Warner was the first actual resident of Daytona whose death in action has been reported, but there have been others who laid down their lives in camp preparing to fight the battle for the freedom of the world,” The Morning Journal reported. He was one of 26,000 soldiers killed in the Meuse-Argonne Offensive.

“We have been unexpectedly fortunate in that our toll of the dead is very small,” the newspaper observed.

And, indeed, local losses were light. Something you can confirm by wandering to the war memorial in Riverside Park in downtown Daytona Beach. There’s a plaque there with the World War I dead cast in 1921. It has seven names.

Warner’s name is there, and so is Sgt. Allston Dryer of Seabreeze, an instructor at Fort Benjamin Harrison in Indiana.

“One of the disappointments of his life being that he was not allowed to see service in France,” according to his Morning Journal obituary in December 1918. Dryer was ill with the Spanish flu for five days before he died.

Dyer, 22, died in the second wave of the flu pandemic. More than 100,000 Americans perished of the flu in October 1918 alone, according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Some 675,000 Americans would die before the flu outbreak subsided in summer 1919.

Nor was the pandemic limited to military bases. By the end of 1918, 4,100 Floridians had died. Flagler County’s most prominent leader, Isaac Moody, died of Spanish flu on Dec. 17, 1918.

Moody served in the Legislature and was instrumental in the formation of the county the year before. Some had proposed naming it Moody County in his honor.

'Glad thrill' of war's end

It must have seemed that no sooner were men drafted, mobilized and sent abroad, Home Guard Units trained and war bond drives got underway than it was all over. Throughout fall 1918, The Morning Journal carried word of peace feelers and assured readers that German units were collapsing and routed.

“Daytona evidenced its patriotism yesterday afternoon when the entire city turned out to celebrate a report that peace had been accomplished. The report was untrue, but the celebration was an inspiring evidence of the interest of the people in a victorious peace,” a Morning Journal editorial said on Nov. 8, 1918, putting the best light on things.

When the armistice finally was announced and confirmed by the newspaper’s Associated Press wire, the town went wild.

“Seabreeze and Daytona Beach entered most enthusiastically into the peace celebration yesterday,” the Morning Journal reported. “Automobiles, motorcycles, bicycles, baby carriages, buses and every form of locomotion carried flags and more flags, and every form of noise was tolerated just so it expressed the glad thrill all felt at the close of the world war.”

The beachside celebration started in the morning and moved across the bridge to downtown. Businesses closed for the day. The Home Guard, encamped by the Burgoyne Casino in present-day Riverside Park, organized itself into a parade and guardsmen, cars, bicycles, flag-waving kids and dogs trooped up Beach Street and around downtown.

“Headed by the Halifax guards, the line formed at the casino. Crowded in behind the guards came hundreds of cars all decorated and dressed up,” the newspaper reported. The parade lasted until the crowd got tired and people peeled off for lunch.

In contrast to World War II, which brought dramatic changes, a major economic boost and an influx of new people to the Daytona Beach area, World War I had surprisingly limited effects here. The Home Guard units disbanded, patriotic memorials went up around 1920 and life resumed.

And the 73 men on the all-but-forgotten flagpole plaque near the Daytona Beach Pier got a glimpse of the bigger world and brought it home with them.


“We’re Nobody’s ThirdLove, We’re Their First Love”—The Architects of the Victoria’s Secret Fashion Show Are Still Banking on Bombshells | killexams.com real questions and Pass4sure dumps

Does the Victoria’s Secret Fashion Show need an overhaul? That depends on whom you ask. Internally, Victoria’s Secret believes it has many good reasons to stick with the Angel wings and status quo. Here’s one: Last year the show, which was filmed in Shanghai, China, was seen by some 1 billion people in 190 countries, a 45 percent increase over 2016. Victoria’s Secret’s critics, in contrast, see mounting evidence of a cultural shift that has both influenced and been impacted by changes in fashion; a social media–savvy generation that expects to see themselves reflected in advertising and marketing; and, not least of all, a shift in the lingerie business itself. Maybe you’ve heard of Rihanna’s little project, Savage x Fenty?

To start with the runways, it’s true that Victoria’s Secret bombshells were once deemed “too big” for high fashion. But thanks in part to their embrace by key designers—the Fall 2010 Marc Jacobs for Louis Vuitton show starring the curvaceous Elle Macpherson, Bar Refaeli, and Laetitia Casta comes to mind—and the subsequent loosening up of who belongs in the spotlight and who doesn’t, the 2018 runways look a lot different than they did a decade or two ago. They are less white, less young, and not as overwhelmingly thin. Victoria’s Secret gets credit for being a conversation starter, but the brand is not part of the evolving discussion around size diversity now. Nineteen new faces will walk this year’s show, and none of them remotely approach plus-size, or curve, to use the new parlance. In many ways, the discussion around Victoria’s Secret is not about who it’s letting in, but who it’s still keeping out. If Ashley Graham, who touted her 42-30-46 measurements onstage at Vogue’s Forces of Fashion conference last month, can walk Michael Kors, why not Victoria’s Secret?

The lingerie industry itself looks newly inclusive, with a wave of newcomers touting body positivity—not airbrushed perfection. Upstarts like Universal Standard’s Polina Veksler and Alex Waldman, who put a trans woman in their Foundation campaign and whose pieces sell in sizes from 00 to 40. And disruptors like ThirdLove, which is backed by the former CEO of Victoria’s Secret stores. Perhaps no threat to Victoria’s Secret’s dominance is more mortal than Rihanna, whose Savage x Fenty show made headlines when pregnant model Slick Woods walked the runway in pasties, a strappy teddy, and stilettos. She gave birth later that night. Post-delivery, Woods shared an Instagram photo of herself from the show and captioned it this way: “I’m here to say I can do whatever the fuck I want whenever the fuck I want and so can you.”

To be sure, VS has harnessed the power of social media, too. When Kim Kardashian West’s stylist approached the company with an idea for Halloween costumes last month, Victoria’s Secret lent lingerie and Angel wings from past shows. (Kendall Jenner walks the VS runway, but not her curvier sisters.) The resulting photos were seen by nearly 500 million of the family members’ cumulative followers. Those are sexy numbers, but a June report indicated that comparable sales at Victoria’s Secret are down, as is the company’s market share.

It was in this context that I sat down with the chief architects of the Victoria’s Secret Fashion Show: chief marketing officer of L Brands, Ed Razek, and executive vice president of public relations at VS, Monica Mitro, to discuss what, if any changes, we’ll see when the show is taped today at Pier 94 in New York, and on December 2, when it is slated to air. This interview has been edited and condensed.

Are you happy to be back in New York after Shanghai and Paris?

Monica Mitro: The first show we did was in New York in 1995; this is bringing it home.

Ed Razek: We didn’t know much about doing a show then; we certainly never thought it would be this.

Mitro: The reason we did a show in the first place is because our chairman, Les Wexner, said to all of our businesses, “We’re fashion businesses; we need to be doing fashion shows.” This was in Columbus, Ohio.

Razek: The idea of a lingerie fashion show was absurd [at the time]. The main question on anybody’s lips was: Why are you even doing one? It’s accepted dogma now that you can do one; in fact, several [brands] have done them around the world since then. But at the time it was impossible. At that point women basically had five bras and five pairs of panties—three white bras, one nude bra, and one black bra that they might’ve worn twice a year. The notion of lingerie drawers, and of colors, patterns, mix-and-match, and fashion . . . . It was a revelation.

It’s 23 years later, and the lingerie business is radically different. Victoria’s Secret has—what is it?—a third of the market share, but there are new companies, some with former Victoria’s Secret people involved, some direct-to-consumer, some with inclusive advertising. How are you responding to those shifts?

Mitro: I feel like our runways have been culturally diverse for a long time and that we’ve always celebrated our models’ backgrounds. I think we were one of the first to tell women to wear their natural hair, and that was a huge headline [two] years ago. That’s one thing we’ve been really proud of about the show; it’s not just women who are hangers carrying clothing. They have personalities, and we care about who they are and what they have to say. I did The View years ago with Stephanie Seymour. They asked her what it was like to model lingerie, and people were so excited, because no one really asked the models to speak, no one knew who they were. Getting to know the girls, their routines, their families, their husbands, their children . . . it’s all been part of our brand, this mix of women and who they are.

Are you putting more emphasis on diversity now?

Mitro: This year—it’s kind of hard to believe, because we only have 60 women—we have 19 new faces who have never walked Victoria’s Secret before.

Razek: By the way, in 1999, 2000, after we’d done the show for a few years, none of the designers who did shows would use any of our girls. They were too “fat” was the prevailing wisdom of fashion at the time. You probably remember that. At the time the conversation was “they’re too big for us, we can’t possibly put them in our show.” Progress gets made, and part of what’s happened in our show is that the girls have just continued to get more physically fit. We don’t tell them to; they compete with one another and they work hard, they work in pairs, they work in threes. Many of them work out at the same gyms; they have complex routines. They shouldn’t have to apologize for that. Everybody keeps talking about Rihanna’s show. If we had done Rihanna’s show, we would be accused of pandering without question.

Pandering why?

Razek: Because the brand has a specific image, has a point of view. It has a history. It’s hard to build a brand. It’s hard to build Vogue, Ralph Lauren, Apple, Starbucks. You have a brand position and you have a brand point of view. The girls who have earned their way into the show have worked for it. By the way, we’ve had three pregnant models walk the show. Everybody had the conversation about Savage [x Fenty] having the pregnant model in the show. We watch this, we’re amused by it, but we don’t milk it. And all of these things that they’ve “invented,” we have done and continue to do.

I don’t want to be defensive about it, but we don’t tell the story of the Victoria’s Secret brand or the good it does, but if you’d like to hear it, I’ll tell you. In 1987, I was working for one of our businesses, The Limited, when Verna Gibson was promoted to president of The Limited stores. And Time magazine came to Columbus to ask me what it would be like to work for a female boss. That was a legitimate question from a female reporter 30 years ago. Virtually all of the bosses here have been women, and have been for 30 years. Les Wexner has given more opportunities to women in business than any other fashion mogul I can think of, made more women millionaires and multimillionaires. He doesn’t see sex in job opportunity.

We’ve been instrumental in building a cancer hospital, a breast cancer hospital, a cancer research center, a children’s hospital, a center for science and industry, a national veterans’ hospital. We’ve donated more than 1 million hours of associates’ time, hundreds of millions of dollars to women’s causes. And we’ve never said if you buy a bra, we’ll give a dollar to a cause. We’ve never promoted it. We do it because it’s the right thing to do. Nonsense gets written about us; God bless, we understand, we’re a big target, a very big target. We get it, we’re enormously successful and have been for a very long time.

I’m glad you brought up Rihanna. There’s a young generation turned on by the multiple sizes of women in that show, and there are all sorts of different upstart brands that are putting trans women in their advertisements, women who are size 40 in their advertisements. Does VS feel the need to address the way the market is shifting in any way?

Razek: I think we address the way the market is shifting on a constant basis. If you’re asking if we’ve considered putting a transgender model in the show or looked at putting a plus-size model in the show, we have. We invented the plus-size model show in what was our sister division, Lane Bryant. Lane Bryant still sells plus-size lingerie, but it sells a specific range, just like every specialty retailer in the world sells a range of clothing. As do we. We market to who we sell to, and we don’t market to the whole world.

We attempted to do a television special for plus-sizes [in 2000]. No one had any interest in it, still don’t. Our show is the only branded special in the world, seen in 190 countries, by 1 billion 6 million people; 45 percent more people saw it last year than the year before. Our direct business is growing substantially—double digits on a monthly basis. And we made some merchandising mistakes, no question. But the number one selling bra in the brand at the moment is a bra that will sell more as a single item than a small competitor that’s been trying to make a lot of noise lately [sells from its complete range]. The dominant characteristic of that bra is that it says Victoria’s Secret multiple times. Now tell me how it’s possible that that bra would be the number one most popular bra in the marketplace if people didn’t like the brand? Particularly if young people didn’t like the brand?

Mitro: We call it logo love. Whatever we put a logo on sells. Regarding change, I feel it’s not so much about what the competitors are doing. What we’re thinking about is where is our customer? Where is she shopping? What does she want from us? We have 40,000 employees in the field that get to see and be with our customers every single day; very different from online, where you don’t get to try it on, where you have a customer over the phone who’s trying to do a bra fit for you and they can’t do it physically. We have a training program in which we certify our bra specialists, where when you go into any Victoria’s Secret store we actually have a bra-fit expert. We have people in the field reporting back to us on a weekly basis about what they’re hearing. We can make real-time adjustments. With more than 1,100 stores, we can try something in 20 stores to see if it’s working before rolling it out to the chain.

Razek: I don’t think we can be all things to all customers. It is a specialty business; it isn’t a department store. I’m always asking myself: If we do that, what is the reason we did it? Why did we include that person? And did we include them to shut up a reporter? Did we include them because it was the right thing to do or because it was the politically correct thing to do? Do they take the place of somebody who worked for a year for the opportunity and cried when they found that they got it? Yeah, we made some fashion mistakes. We were late to the party on bralettes; we were late to the party on downtown influences in our looks.

I’m curious about how the Kardashian-Jenner’s Halloween costumes came about, because that was brilliant. After that, you hardly need a fashion show. You had women who have, I don’t know, practically a billion followers combined posting those pictures.

Mitro: We’re friends with the family and their stylists. Their stylists came to us and said, we have this idea, would you guys be open to providing some of your past costumes and wings for the Kardashian girls to do their Halloween? It was one of my assistants who took the call, and she said, what do you think? And I said, let’s start going through the archives. My team in Columbus went into the distribution center, and some of the costumes were quite old, and we sent them current lingerie. When Kendall came in for her fitting she said it was all Kim’s idea.

Razek: You knew exactly when you saw the picture, you knew exactly what it was. Tell me that with any other brand. By the way, every year somebody tells us we should eliminate the wings, that women don’t want to be considered angels, or they don’t want to be this or they don’t want to be that. And it’s like, okay, maybe some don’t. And that’s okay. We’re not trying to impose our will on anyone. We have a brand, we have a brand position. You saw the wings and thought Victoria’s Secret instantly, as did the world. That’s a pretty powerful brand position.

I want to talk about the Instagram generation. I assume you have lots of data; do you see a shifting desire or shifting needs? Are they looking for something new from Victoria’s Secret?

Razek: I’ve been off Instagram for a few months now—I just can’t take all the people trying to beat up on the models or all the people trying to tell me what an idiot I am this time of year. The hate that’s on social media, it’s extraordinarily toxic. Sara Sampaio is constantly being criticized for being too fat. Sara Sampaio? Seriously? Where does it end? Do I think about diversity? Yes. Does the brand think about diversity? Yes. Do we offer larger sizes? Yes.

Mitro: 30A to 40DDD is our range.

Razek: So it’s like, why don’t you do 50? Why don’t you do 60? Why don’t you do 24? It’s like, why doesn’t your show do this? Shouldn’t you have transsexuals in the show? No. No, I don’t think we should. Well, why not? Because the show is a fantasy. It’s a 42-minute entertainment special. That’s what it is. It is the only one of its kind in the world, and any other fashion brand in the world would take it in a minute, including the competitors that are carping at us. And they carp at us because we’re the leader. They don’t talk about each other. I accept that. I actually respect it. Cool. But we’re nobody’s third love. [Editor’s note: ThirdLove is a competitor that has received investment from a former CEO of Victoria’s Secret stores.] We’re their first love. And Victoria’s Secret has been women’s first love from the beginning.

You say that people are critical of Sara Sampaio because they perceive her to be too heavy. But there is a culture around the Victoria’s Secret Fashion Show where the models are aggressively fit. And we’ve heard stories—I don’t know if they’re apocryphal or not—that Adriana Lima stops drinking liquids the week before the show.

Mitro: This is her 18th year. She is 37 years old. She is so driven. And talk about age diversity. There aren’t a lot of brands that continue to use models past a certain age. But she’s an athlete; she boxes. That’s her routine, so if she’s with some nutritionist who says, “Try this, try that,” we don’t know. But I have to say to that point, Jourdana [Phillips] is one of the models who came in for a fitting, and I was looking on her Instagram feed last night and I saw her at the gym, and her quote made me feel so emotional for her, because when people say real women have curves and they call our models skinny . . .

Razek: They skinny-shame them.

Mitro: So Jourdana said, “To all those kids I went to school with who called me Skinny Mini, look at me now.”

Razek: Yes, they are aggressively physically fit, but the operative word is fit. Should they apologize for being fit? This is their profession, and this is the penultimate [sic] expression of their profession. And it can make models. It made Heidi’s [Klum] career.

Mitro: When we look at things that really hurt our feelings, when they’re bullying girls on Instagram, I have to say, too, there are so many fans. “Who’s opening the show?” “Who’s wearing the Fantasy Bra this year?” We keep hearing stories during fittings: “I can’t believe it; I used to admire these girls, I had them on my wall, and now I’m standing next to them backstage. I can’t even believe this is happening.” And they cheer each other on. And there’s this happiness happening backstage. It’s this big party for the girls. And also for the fans.

Razek: Seventy percent of the audience is women.

Mitro: So I just feel like there are haters, but there is also a huge fan base.

Razek: The haters bother me. Do you get haters?

Of course. Let’s talk about #MeToo. The first stories broke just before the show last year, when you were in China, but here you are back in New York. Has the conversation over the past year made you reconsider anything about the show?

Razek: I’d like to answer that. The two stories that broke, let me be specific about them, one of them was about a photographer who had dated a woman, had nothing to do with us, who was offended by him. We stopped working with him and did a full investigation. The other one—I had a model complain to me that she felt uncomfortable with him and I fired him an hour later. I didn’t investigate it; I didn’t do due diligence. I fired him an hour later, because the models’ comfort is important to me. Nothing matters more. Over 25 years, 7,500 photo shoots, we had one incident and handled it immediately. I’d take that record. I had a hairstylist on a shoot who was rude to one of the models and I fired him on the spot. He asked, “How do I go home?” I said, “Swim.”

In the wake of #MeToo, how has the backstage atmosphere changed?

Razek: We didn’t have changes to make. The show position has always been a very private place. And we’ve always respected that position.

Mitro: There has always been a room that we call the “naked room,” because that’s the room where they have to change into their lingerie. And there is no one allowed in that room except their dressers. It’s a place where we definitely don’t want photographers, and they have two female guards outside of the tent, and that’s where they put on their jewelry, their wings, and everything else. But that’s something because we’re a lingerie brand, so we’ve always done it, just because it’s so intimate. To Ed’s point of what has changed, it’s been a constant for us because we’re a lingerie brand.

There was a June report stating that comparable sales at Victoria’s Secret were down. As was market share. How do you respond to numbers like that?

Razek: Retail is constantly moving. We’re not competing against small lingerie competitors, we’re competing against a woman’s dresser drawers. So if we’re not providing new on a constant basis, we won’t succeed at the level of our size. Because we’re the 800-pound gorilla in the space, we have to have our fashion right. And we have to move it constantly. And it hasn’t moved fast enough. We have an expression in the business: “Fall on your face, not on your ass,” meaning you’re moving forward so fast that if you’re going to make a mistake, make a mistake on the forward side. Don’t hold onto the past. Les Wexner has always had that philosophy, and he continues to push the businesses. But he was absolutely right when he said two years ago that Victoria’s Secret had stalled. It had. But how do we have this one bra that outsells the [entire offering] of this noisy little competitor on its own? One bra that happens to have a Victoria’s Secret strap on it? What that tells me: Women want the brand to win. They want to buy the brand. And it is their first love and their first choice.

You said that fashion moves on, so what should we expect that’s new from the show?

Razek: I think what you’ll see with the Mary Katrantzou collection, like the Balmain collection last year, is that the designer influences on our brand are significant and important and they move it forward. The Katrantzou stuff this year—I might’ve been a skeptic at the beginning—is explosively energetic and beautiful and fun and an affirmation.

Mitro: We’re also doing a lot this year in the show that is see-now-buy-now. We always put our lingerie in the show, but we’re doing something day of show that’s live from the show all day, so there are some things, if people love the backstage robe, and they love the official bra of the show, we’re taking them on that journey. We’re working with Charlotte Tilbury. She really has the same DNA that our brand does, so we’re collaborating with her. When she does the look of the show, we’ll do that live backstage and people can follow along and archive it. We also have a new set designer, Misty Buckley. She’s young and cool, and her ideas are so interesting, the way she’s made Pier 94 look like a jewel, with all the facets of a diamond. We also put sport in the show. So there’s a whole section, a combination of sport and logo and lace and urbanwear that we’ve never really done before. We’re celebrating what we’ve done in years past, which is about the Angels, but we tried to look at it from a different perspective.

See Every Look From the 2018 Victoria’s Secret Fashion Show:



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Calameo : http://en.calameo.com/books/00492352677cfef1d814f
zoho.com : https://docs.zoho.com/file/5kgmr0e5ff62436fc4851a9f6a66ea8510333






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Microsoft MOS-W2E Exam (MOUS 2000 Word 2000 Expert) Detailed Information



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